On the preservation of morphological exponents in the Brazilian Portuguese variable phonology
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.14393/DL22-v10n2a2016-2Keywords:
Consistency of Exponence, Denasalization, r-deletion, Optimality TheoryAbstract
From the assumption that phonological variation can access morphological information, we advocate in this text that monosegmental morphemes are more protected from deletion than morphemes distributed in greater phonological structures. Two variable phenomena of Brazilian Portuguese quite discussed in the literature are analyzed here as evidence: denasalization of final unstressed diphthongs (eg. homem ~ homi ‘man’; pedem ~ pedi ‘they ask’) and r-deletion in stressed final codas (eg. amor ~ amo∅ ‘love’; amar ~ ama∅ ‘to love’). We propose a formal approach for these data in the Optimality Theory framework, assuming that morphological constraints interact with phonological ones in order to ensure Consistency of Exponence.
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